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ACORN Hondouras Report
{edocs}/images/docs/acorn_international_houndouras_report.pdf,725,500,link{/edocs}
Reporte 7, 2010
[scribd id=46598792 key=key-1xw6dapes0x8sdxdvr1g mode=list]
Tiempo: En el parque hacen campaña “Por la Justicia de las Remesas”
SAN PEDRO SULA – Representantes de Acorn International denunciaron esta mañana que las empresas intermediarias en el proceso de envío de remesas se quedan con 20 de cada 100 dólares enviados por los hondureños en el extranjero.
Acorn International es una federación asentada en varios países y que acoge a representantes de comunidades pobres. Esta mañana están realizando una Campaña por la Justicia de las Remesas.
Luis Martínez y Carlos Jiménez hicieron una exposición en el parque de San Pedro Sula, donde dijeron que las grandes firmas remesadoras son las que sacan las mayores ganancias con el movimiento de transferencias.
Original Article available at: http://www.tiempo.hn/inicio/item/854-en-el-parque-hacen-campa%C3%B1a-%E2%80%9Cpor-la-justicia-de-las
Toronto Star: Immigrants gouged on money transfers
They fought to get their landlords to clean up their cockroach-infested apartments and won. They fought to get payday lenders to lower their astronomical borrowing rates and won. Now ACORN Canada, a network of low-income Canadians, is embarking on its most ambitious project.
It has just launched a campaign to get North American banks to reduce the “predatory” fees they charge immigrants and migrant workers to transfer money to their families back home.
ACORN made its first move Monday. It released a report showing the rates charged by Canada’s chartered banks, their American counterparts and two money-transfer companies to send $100 to various destinations.
The figures were startling. Fees ranged from $3.70 to $66.25 (not including the pickup charges usually imposed at the receiving end).
Here is a sample, using a transfer of $100 from Toronto to Mexico:
• MoneyGram, which has the lowest fees, charges between $3 and $10 (depending on the service and destination) plus an exchange rate fee of 70 cents for a maximum total of $10.70.
• TD Canada Trust charges $35.91 for the same service.
• None of the other Canadian banks lists its exchange rate fee, making comparisons difficult. They divulge only their transfer fees, which range from $10 at Scotiabank to $25 at BMO. (CIBC refuses to provide any information.)
• The most expensive Canadian option is HSBC (Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation), which charges $25 to $30 for the transfer, tacks on a commission of $10 and adds an exchange rate fee of $10.84 for a maximum total of $50.84.
• In the United States, Bank of America tops the list. It charges $56.25 to $66.25 to send $100 from New Orleans to Mexico.
“These rates are predatory,” said Kay Bisnath of Scarborough, who serves as president of ACORN International. “Thousands of our members in Canada are affected.”
The Canadian Bankers Association defends its members’ remittance fees, pointing out that international transfers are complex and there are plenty of choices.
“Consumers are well served by this competition as they are able to choose a remittance service that best meets their needs and fits their budget,” said vice-president Nancy Fung.
To put Canada’s rates in context, the World Bank estimates the average global cost of transferring money between countries is 10 per cent of the amount sent. It has asked rich countries to reduce their rates to 5 per cent by 2014.
Ottawa has agreed in principle. But no Canadian bank is close to the current average, let alone the new target. And there’s no sign of action in Ottawa.
Remittances are a lucrative business. Immigrants and guest workers around the world send more than $400 billion back home every year. Canada’s share of the pie is roughly $15 billion.
Very little is known about these financial flows.
The government doesn’t regulate transfer charges. The banks charge whatever the market will bear. And immigrants rely on word of mouth to find out about hidden fees (for “communication” and “processing”) and costs on the other end.
ACORN used the personal experience of its members plus the legwork of four interns from George Brown College to compile its report. It doesn’t claim its survey is authoritative.
But it does argue there is enough evidence of exploitation to warrant government scrutiny and fee caps. “It is our hope to make it harder and harder for politicians and financiers to ignore the call for change and the demand for a fair and just remittance system.”
A delegation of ACORN members visited the head of TD Canada Trust this week to deliver its report and request a meeting.
They intend to approach all of Canada’s banks, federal financial regulators and provincial consumer protection authorities.
They don’t have much power or prominence. But they’ve swayed giants before.
India’s Microfinance Suicide Epidemic
16 December 2010 Last updated at 05:12 ET
India’s micro-finance suicide epidemic
By Soutik BiswasIn his grotty, two-room brick home, all that remains of Ketadi Ramchandra Moorthy is a laminated colour photograph sitting on the cold cement floor.
Two months ago, the 40-year-old carpenter dropped dead after a heart attack at a bus station in Hyderabad, some 70km (43 miles) away from his rural home in the south-east Indian state of Andhra Pradesh.
He had travelled to the city to beg friends for cash to pay loans he had taken over the course of a year from private micro-credit firms.
A broken man, he had been heading back empty-handed to Gajwel village in Medak district.
A government report said Mr Moorthy had suffered a heart attack “due to pressure put by the micro-finance institutions for repayment”.
“He was so stressed out that he just collapsed and died,” says his wife, K Karuna, 36.
More than a third of the 30 million households that have taken micro-credit in India live in Andhra Pradesh. The majority of the borrowers are women.
Borrowers’ revolt
But the small loan has turned out to be a big curse for many in the state.
More than 80 people have taken their own lives in the last few months after defaulting on micro-loans, according to the government.
This has triggered the worst ever crisis in India’s booming micro-finance industry.
Scenting votes, opposition politicians have encouraged borrowers to halt repayments – micro-finance companies have given out 80 million rupees ($2bn; £1.3bn) of loans in Andhra Pradesh.
Banks, in turn, have stopped lending to micro-finance companies and fear they may not recover some $4bn in loans.
“Multiple lending, over-indebtedness, coercive recovery practices and unseemly enrichment by promoters and senior executives [of micro-credit companies] has led to this situation,” says Vijay Mahajan, chairman of India’s Microfinance Institutions Network.
India’s micro-finance crisis mirrors the 2008 subprime mortgage meltdown in the US, where finance companies threw cheap and easy loans at homebuyers until prices crashed and borrowers were unable to sell their homes or pay their debts.
But the difference in India is that the borrowers are even poorer, with zero social security.
Mr Moorthy’s story is a tragic example of how micro-loans – annual interest rates vary from 24-30%, compared with the 36%-120% charged by usurious money lenders – can lead impoverished, ill-educated people to ruin.
This defeats the supposed purpose of micro-credit, with all its talk about improving the lives of the poor.
In 2002, Mr Moorthy took a loan worth $350 from a micro-credit company to build his $2,210 home.
Half of the money came via an interest-free loan his wife – who rolls tobacco leaves for a living – took from her employers.
A moneylender chipped in another loan worth $440 that is yet to be repaid.
Ultimate priceIn May 2008, micro-credit salesmen descended in droves on Mr Moorthy’s village and he took a second loan worth $330 to pay off small debts to his neighbours.
This second loan, the family say, was paid off within a year.
Undeterred by the debt trap he was falling into, and persuaded by aggressive micro-credit agents, Mr Moorthy borrowed $660 in three loans from as many companies.
These were to pay for the education of his three children, including a college-going son, and, again, to repay previous debt.
When he died in October, he had been defaulting on the latter three loans for up to 20 weeks.
Mr Moorthy’s annual earnings, say his family, usually never exceeded $110.
“Loans have been given to rural people without checking whether they had the capacity to repay,” says Reddy Subrahmanyam, the state’s most senior rural development official.
The government estimates families that have taken micro-loans in Andhra Pradesh have an average debt of $660, and an average annual income of $1,060.
This means more than 60% of their fragile, uncertain income is being spent paying off loans.
Two months after his death, Mr Moorthy’s family struggles to survive, pawning jewellery and depending on the generosity of caring neighbours and vote-seeking politicians.
The eldest son, K Ramanachari has had to give up the college education that cost his father so much.
The 19-year-old has found a job ferrying tobacco leaves on baskets once a week, earning about 100 rupees ($2.2) for a day’s work.
Mrs Karuna rolls tobacco leaves during the day and then, if she is lucky, finds farmwork in the evenings.
All this fetches her less than $3 on a good day.
She pawned her silver and gold jewellery, worth nearly $200, to keep a roof over her children’s heads and send them to school.
Appendicitis to suicideTwo leading politicians, including the state’s main opposition leader Chandrababu Naidu, have lent her $1,100, which she plans to deposit in a bank.
“Big or small, loans kill. I will never take up another loan,” says Mrs Karuna.
Sometimes a loan taken to save a life can end up taking a life in the debt-stricken villages of Andhra Pradesh.
Mylaram Kallava, 45, hanged herself from the ceiling of her mud hut in the neighbouring village of Ghanapur after she defaulted on four micro-loans amounting to $840.
The loans were taken to pay for medical treatment for her 17-year-old daughter’s appendicitis and her eldest daughter’s pregnancy, which ended in a miscarriage.
The nearest government hospitals were more than 70km (45 miles) away, forcing Mrs Kallava to seek private treatment which was well beyond her means.
The three loans were taken in July last year – Mrs Kallava was in default for just two months when she killed herself.
It did not help that her grave-digger husband, Narsimhulu, 55, was in poor health and found work only now and then.
The federal jobs-for-work programme in the village stopped in August, leading to an acute shortage of employment in the area, locals say.
“I could feel that my mother’s tension was building up when she began defaulting,” says her daughter, Sangeeta. “She was unable to get work.
“Her co-guarantors in the group came to the house and asked her to explain. I think she felt ashamed.”
For seven days before she took her life one weekday evening, Mrs Kallava had been unable to find any work.
The micro-loan recovery agents were due to come knocking by the end of that week.
She did not wait for them.
This is the first in a two-part series by Soutik Biswas on the micro-credit industry in India.
BBC © MMX The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.
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NOTE FROM COI WEB TEAM: We will post the second in the series when it is posted by the BBC.
Gendering remittance policies
November 5, 2010
IntLawGrrls
voices on international law, policy, practiceThe International Organization for Migration has released a report examining the gender dimensions of remittances. Drawing on several studies of gender differences in patterns of sending and receiving remittances, the report suggests strategies for helping women on both ends of the remittance chain to ensure that they and their families can maximize the benefits of these money flows. As the report recognizes, remittances are the second largest source of external funding for developing nations, and thus an important tool in poverty reduction and local development; understanding the gender dimensions of these flows is vital to achieving these goals.
The report lays out several interesting findings. While female and male migrants send approximately the same amount of remittances, women tend to send a higher proportion of their income and over longer periods of time. Women also send money more regularly, which means that they may be more significantly harmed by high transfer fees.
While male migrants largely send remittances to their spouse, female migrants send money to the person, often also female, who cares for their children. Women also tend to take more responsibility for money transfers to extended family members. Because of this sense of familial responsibility and due to traditional gender roles, female migrants may face particular pressure to remit much of their earnings. As a result, they may accept very challenging living and working conditions.
The constraint of gender roles from home may be compounded by a lack of legal status in the destination country. Women without lawful means of migration may have to rely on smugglers simply to enter that country. They may then be forced to spend much of their earnings repaying debt. Once they arrive, female migrants are often restricted to low-skilled jobs in domestic work, agriculture, hotel and catering, and sex work. Women in these fields face significant challenges, including low pay and withheld wages, which makes them even more vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation — particularly if they are under pressure to remit. Women in these sectors also face barriers to formal remittance channels both because of a lack of lawful status and because they may be isolated in their workplace and accommodation. These challenges faced by female migrants are not new to readers of this blog, but it is important to note that they affect not only the human rights of these migrants but also the development goals of their home countries.
In the home country, women are often recipients of remittances. In some countries, women are empowered to manage these funds, while in others, male relatives control the use of remittances. In the latter case, women and children become more vulnerable to poverty and sexual abuse from their family and from the broader community. From a policy perspective, it is important to ensure that women are direct recipients of remittances in order to increase economic empowerment. Moreover, programs should focus on making investment options more accessible to female remittance recipients, who may have limited access to credit and financial literacy.
http://intlawgrrls.blogspot.com/2010/11/gendering-remittance-policies.html
Haiti Remittances Key to Earthquake Recovery
17 May 2010 Comments: 0From the World Bank News and Broadcast
* Remittances expected to surge by 20% in 2010, yielding an extra $360 million.
* Haitians with “temporary protective status” in the United States are a main source of support.
* Diaspora bonds proposed to assist in Haiti’s long-term development.May 17, 2010 –Yolene Henry lost three cousins in Haiti’s devastating earthquake. Her niece was pulled from the rubble and needed medical treatment. Her mother, brother and his family were sleeping outside their damaged home in tents.
Henry responded like many others in the 1 million-plus Haitian diaspora: She increased the amount of money she sent to her relatives in Haiti.
“Now I also support extended family members and acquaintances who lost their property,” says the Washington, D.C. area resident.
Remittances are expected to surge 20% in 2010 in a country where they normally make up more than a quarter—and maybe half—of the national income, says World Bank economist and remittances expert Dilip Ratha.
While a rise in remittances has occurred after other disasters, Haiti represents the first time the restoration of remittances services was seen as a critical part of disaster relief and response, says Ratha.
Now, Ratha and others in the international community wonder how big a role the large and relatively wealthy Haitian diaspora in the United States, Canada, France and other countries will continue to play in Haiti’s recovery.
$360 Million Increase Expected
The expected 20% bump in remittances in 2010 will amount to an extra $360 million above normal remittances levels, according to World Bank’s Outlook for Remittance Flows 2010-11 (pdf). The diaspora officially sent $1.4 billion in remittances to Haiti in 2008, and unofficially may have sent as much as $2 billion.
Much of the increase this year will likely come from 200,000 undocumented workers granted “temporary protective status” to live and work legally in the United States for 18 months, says the report.
If the temporary protective status is extended another 18 months, additional flows to Haiti could exceed $1 billion over three years, the report adds.
“Financial help in the form of remittances from family members is always the first to arrive in times of distress,” says Ratha.
“When the systems and infrastructure are completely broken and institutions are not working because of the earthquake, at that time quick relief and relief that has impact has to be provided at an individual level, and remittances do that.”
‘People to People’ Assistance Helps Rebuild Lives
Such “people to people” assistance is increasingly recognized as an important factor in rebuilding lives and livelihoods after a disaster, partly because it is at the grassroots level, and it is given to individuals by people they know, says Saroj Kumar Jha, program manager of the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery at the World Bank.
For instance, Dr. Magalie Emile, Chair of Board of Directors for the Association of Haitian Professionals in the United States, said she was inspired to help a small business owner while visiting relatives in Haiti in March.
“That’s just one option for the diaspora – to reach out to local merchants and local business owners and lend that support,’ she says. “It may be something as easy as buying a $200 computer to help someone sustain a business. But you’re not going to know this if you don’t travel home.”
Diaspora Bond Proposed
With an eye toward capturing that kind of support, Ratha, who works in the Bank’s research group, has proposed Haiti issue reconstruction diaspora bonds to tap the wealth of the diaspora.
This group would likely be more willing than typical foreign investors to lend money to Haiti at a cheap rate, thereby making socially relevant projects that offer a lower rate of return more affordable, he says.
In the past diaspora bonds have been used by Israel and India to raise over $35 billion in development financing. Several countries—including Ethiopia, Nepal, the Philippines, Rwanda, and Sri Lanka—are considering (or have issued) diaspora bonds recently to bridge financing gaps.
“Not only Haitians abroad, but also foreign individuals interested in helping Haiti, even charitable institutions, are likely to be interested in these bonds,” says Ratha.
Offering a reasonable interest rate—a 5% tax-free dollar interest rate, for example—could attract a large number of Haitian investors who are getting close to zero interest rate on their deposits. The bonds should also be implemented by a credible organization overseen by international agencies or observers, he adds.
Ratha says a diaspora bond sale could raise $200 million if 200,000 Haitians in the United States, Canada and France were to invest $1,000 each, and much higher amounts could be raised if bonds were open to friends of Haiti and guaranteed by multilateral or bilateral donors.
The idea has sparked interest in the international community, though some of the initial enthusiasm for it subsided as nations stepped forward to pledge billions of dollars for the reconstruction of Haiti, Ratha says.
Fifty countries pledged $5.3 billion for Haiti in the next three years, and as much as $9 billion in the next decade. But the country will need more than that in the long term, and diaspora assistance brings other benefits, such as reconnecting family and friends from afar, says Jha.
“I think the fundamental point about remittances managed through a diaspora bond will essentially be the people-to-people connection. It’s not a donor-beneficiary connection here. It’s more a connection between two individuals, two families, two people who share common cultural backgrounds, a common way of life, and a common identity.”
“I think if we try this for Haiti and it works, one could really then make diaspora bonds integral to any reconstruction effort in future.”
http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0„contentMDK:22582923~pagePK:64257043~piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607,00.html